It looks like 2009 is off to a great start for Gov. Rod Blagojevich as lawmakers may vote to impeach him as early as next week.
The Illinois House has stepped up its plans and hanged its schedule and will meet several days next week.
A spokesman for House Speaker Michael Madigan says the chamber may vote on a recommendation from the special committee studying whether Blagojevich should be impeached.
State Rep. Jim Durkin said late Friday that he has been greenlighted by Madigan to subpoena Roland Burris to testify at the impeachment inquiry in Springfield.
Durkin said he hasn't had an opportunity to speak directly with Burris, nor has a date for his testimony been set.
The governor on Tuesday named Burris as Barack Obama's replacement in the U.S. Senate.
Burris knows that he's wanted for questioning and said he hopes there are no schedule conflicts between appearing before the committee and in his attempt to be sworn in as Illinois' Junior Senator next Tuesday.
It would take a simple majority vote for the House to impeach Blagovjevich -- which basically means accusing him of misconduct -- and then the state Senate would hold a trial to determine if the governor is guilty. A conviction there requires a two-thirds
majority.
Blagojevich was arrested last month on federal corruption charges for trying to auction Barack Obama's vacant U.S. Senate seat for campaign contributions or a cushy job. Blagojevich has repeatedly denied the claims and says he will be vindicated.
But even before today's bell rang in the latest round between Illinois lawmakers and the governor, there has been a long list of issues they have gone to battle over.
For years, the House and Senate have feuded with each other and the second-term Democratic governor, particularly over collecting
and spending tax dollars.
If the House recommends removing Blagojevich, the Senate trial could take weeks or months, dimming prospects for such legislative progress next spring.
Many would argue such a scenario would be little changed from 2008. Here's a look at what did -- and didn't -- happen in Springfield last year.
SPENDING
Blagojevich began the summer by slicing $1.4 billion out of a budget proposal everyone agreed was out of balance. The Democratic governor said the actual deficit was $2.1 billion, but he would scrimp and save to make up the balance.
The cuts resulted in announcements in August that the state would lay off 325 workers, close two dozen state attractions and eliminate key human services such as substance abuse treatment.
Lawmakers responded by coming up with $230 million more -- most of it taken from state accounts set aside for special purposes -- to restore the cuts. But by the time Blagojevich acted on it, the national economy turned south, and the governor said he'd still have to lay off 85 workers and close 18 state parks and historic sites.
Blagojevich says the state now is facing a $2 billion deficit. While he couldn't save everyone's job, he said he is using the money the Legislature sent him to prevent future layoffs.
UNPAID BILLS
Illinois is notoriously slow at paying its bills, but at the same time the state is facing a massive deficit, the backlog has
reached a record high of nearly $4 billion, according to Comptroller Dan Hynes. That's headed for $5 billion by spring.
Blagojevich, Hynes and Treasurer Alexi Giannoulias worked out a deal to borrow $1.4 billion to try to catch up. It was temporarily sidetracked by Blagojevich's arrest, but went through just before Christmas.
Huge bill backlogs could cause catastrophes, Hynes warned, if vendors refuse to deliver state services. Garbage piled up for 10 days at the Mount Sterling prison in November when the hauler halted collection until he was paid four months' of bills.
Many small businesses that do state work must borrow money to keep going while they await state payment. They could lay off employees or go bankrupt, further hurting the economy, Hynes has said.
CONSTRUCTION
For at least the sixth year in a row, the Legislature and Blagojevich failed to agree on a plan to repair or build new roads, bridges, schools and other structures.
Blagojevich enlisted the help of two heavyweights -- former U.S. House Speaker Dennis Hastert and university president Glenn Poshard, another former congressman, to help convince lawmakers to go along.
But there are two problems: How to pay for it and a lack of trust in the governor.
Last year, Blagojevich wanted a $34 billion plan financed with three new casinos, including in downtown Chicago, and by leasing the state lottery to a private vendor.
But gambling expansion failed miserably in the House. The chamber later adopted a lottery lease plan, but Blagojevich criticized it and it never moved in the Senate.
Approving a construction plan would make the state eligible for federal transportation money and Blagojevich calls it a "jobs bill" that would put money back into the economy.
But for years, lawmakers have not trusted Blagojevich to use the money the way he promises to. And the mistrust is only exacerbated by the criminal complaint against Blagojevich, in which he is alleged to have been caught on tape talking about how to get major campaign donations from a highway contractor with state business.
ETHICS
Federal investigations into the Blagojevich administration led to agreement on a long-debated ethics reform. Over the governor's veto, the General Assembly adopted a law that prohibits contractors with $50,000 or more in state contracts from contributing to the officeholder who oversees the deal.
Legislators made no secret that it was aimed at alleged "pay-to-play" practices in Blagojevich's administration, some of which prosecutors were scrutinizing for years before the latest allegations.
It was a landmark achievement for a state with virtually no limits on campaign financing.
BOOTING THE GOVERNOR
Another measure discussed before the arrest and clearly aimed at Blagojevich was an effort last spring to let voters decide on whether they could recall the governor and other top officers. The House approved it but Blagojevich's Senate allies blocked it.
Bolstering their frustration with the two-term governor was testimony in the federal trial of a top Blagojevich fundraiser, Antoin "Tony" Rezko, who was convicted of fraud in trying to squeeze companies doing business with the state for campaign
contributions.
A witness testified that he handed over a $25,000 campaign contribution at a meeting with Blagojevich as well as Rezko, and that Blagojevich discussed state government job possibilities. That allegation has played prominently in the House impeachment
proceeding.
SENATE PRESIDENT
Any influence Blagojevich still had in the General Assembly before December was dealt a serious blow last fall when his staunchest ally, Senate President Emil Jones, announced his retirement. Jones had teamed with Blagojevich to block unfriendly legislation, resulting in locked horns and little progress on majorissues.
Majority Democrats' choice of a successor, John Cullerton, a Chicago Democrat like Jones, has lawmakers hoping more work will get done. Cullerton served in the House under Madigan and the two are friends.
Before the governor's arrest, Cullerton pledged not to shut out Blagojevich, even if he continues to appear uncooperative.
But now Cullerton, who would take over in January if the full Senate approves, has a heady task at the top of his to-do list: Preparing for a possible impeachment trial.
